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Systems of Stratification




UNDERSTANDING STRATIFICATION

This section will examine four general systems of stratification—systems of slavery, castes, estates, and social classes. These should be viewed as ideal types useful for purposes of analysis. Any stratifi­cation system may include elements of more than one type. For example, the American south of the eighteenth century had both social classes divid­ing whites and institutionalized enslavement of blacks.

Slavery The most extreme form of legalized so­cial inequality for individuals or groups is slavery. The distinguishing characteristic of this system of stratification is that slaves are owned by other persons. They are legally treated as property, just as if these human beings were equivalent to household pets or appliances.

Slavery has varied in the way it has been prac­ticed. In ancient Greece, the main source of slaves consisted of captives of war and piracy. Although slave status could be inherited by succeeding gen­erations, it was not necessarily permanent. A per­son's status might change depending on which city-state happened to triumph in a military con­flict. In effect, all citizens had the potential of be­coming slaves or of being granted freedom, de­pending on the circumstances of history. By contrast, in the United States and Latin America, racial and legal barriers were established to pre­vent the freeing of slaves.

Whenever and wherever it has existed, slavery has required extensive coercion in order to main­tain the privileges and rewards of slave owners. For example, it is estimated that as many as 9000 blacks were involved in an 1822 slave revolt in Charleston, South Carolina, led by a carpenter and former slave named Denmark Vesey. Imag­ine the resources that must have been needed to crush such a massive rebellion. This is but one reflection of the commitment to social control required to keep people trapped in lives of invol­untary servitude (Franklin, 1974:161; Schaefer, 1988).

Castes Castes are hereditary systems of rank, usually religiously dictated, that are relatively fixed and immobile. The caste system is generally associated with the Hindu religious faith in India, Sri Lanka (Ceylon), and Pakistan. There are four major castes in India, called varnas, and a fifth category of outcastes referred to as untouchables. Caste membership is established at birth, since children automatically assume the same position as their parents. Each caste is quite sharply de­fined, and members are expected to marry within the same caste.

Caste membership generally determines one's occupation or role as a religious functionary. An example of such an occupational caste is that of snake handlers. The caste system promotes a remarkable degree of differentiation; thus, the single caste of chauf­feurs has been split into two separate subcastes. Drivers of luxury cars have a higher status than drivers of economy cars. In recent decades, industrialization and urban­ization have taken their toll of India's rigid caste system. Many villagers have moved to urban areas where their low-caste status is unknown. Schools, hospitals, factories, and public transpor­tation facilitate contacts among different castes that were previously avoided at all costs. In addi­tion, there have been governmental efforts to re­form the caste system. India's 1950 constitution abolished discrimination against untouchables, who traditionally had been excluded from tem­ples, schools, and most forms of employment. Yet, despite certain changes, the caste system remains the most important system of stratifica­tion in India (Anant, 1978; Glen and Johnson, 1978).

Sociologists have also used the term caste to de­scribe stratification systems that emphasize racial distinctions. The type of differential treatment given to white, "colored," Asian, and black people in the Republic of South Africa, and to a lesser extent to racial groups in the United States (see Chapter 9), brings to mind certain aspects of In­dia's caste system.

Estates A third type of stratification system, called estates, was associated with feudal societies. The estate system, or feudalism, required peas­ants to work land leased to them by nobles in ex­change for military protection and other services. The basis for the system was the nobles' owner­ship of land, which was critical to their superior and privileged status. As in systems based on slav­ery and caste, inheritance of one's position largely defined the estate system. The nobles inherited their titles and property, whereas the peasants were born into a subservient position within an agrarian society.

As the estate system developed, it became more differentiated. Nobles began to achieve varying degrees of authority. By the twelfth century, priesthood emerged in most of Europe, as did classes of merchants and artisans. For the first time, there were groups of people whose wealth did not depend on land ownership or agriculture. This economic change had profound social con­sequences as the estate system ended and a class system of stratification came into existence.

Social Classes A class system is a social ranking based primarily on economic position in which relieved characteristics can influence mobility. In contrast to slavery, caste, and estate systems, the boundaries between groups are less precisely de-led, and there is much greater movement from le stratum or level of society to another. Yet ass systems maintain stable stratification hierarchy and patterns of class divisions. Like the other systems of stratification ascribed thus tar, class systems are marked by equal distribution of wealth and power. Income inequality is also a basic characteristic a class system. In 1986, the median family in the United States was $29,458. In other words, half of all families had higher incomes in last year and half had lower incomes. Yet this fact lay not fully convey the income disparities that are evident in our society. In 1985, about 15,000 federal tax returns reported incomes in excess of $1 million. At the same time, some 367,000 re­turns reported incomes under $11,000 (Bureau of the Census, 1987d:341, 427).

There are many ways in which sociologists con­ceptualize social class; a common method is to look at social class in terms of income differences. Table 8-1 offers a picture of the relative number of Americans earning various incomes. However, such data do not provide a complete picture of social class; among other limitations, they fail to consider sources of wealth apart from income. Sociologist Daniel W. Rossides (1976:453-461) has conceptualized the class system of the United States using a five-class model. While the lines separating social classes in his model are not as sharp as the divisions between castes, he shows that members of the five classes differ in ways other than their levels of income.

About 1 percent of Americans are categorized by Rossides as upper-class, a group limited to the very wealthy. These people form intimate associ­ations with one another in exclusive clubs and social circles. By contrast, the lower class, consist­ing of approximately 20 percent of Americans, is populated by many of the elderly, as well as single mothers with dependent children and people who cannot find regular work. This class lacks both wealth and income and is too weak politi­cally to exercise significant power.

Between these two classes in Rossides' model are the upper middle class, the lower middle class, and the working class. The upper middle class, numbering about 10 percent of the population, is composed of professionals such as doctors, lawyers, and architects. They participate extensively in politics and exercise leadership roles in the types of voluntary associa­tions. The lower middle class, which accounts for approximately 30 per­cent of the American population, includes less affluent professionals (such as teachers and nurses), owners of small businesses, and a sizable number of clerical workers. While not all mem­bers of this varied class hold college degrees, they share the goal of sending their children to institu­tions of higher education.

Rossides describes the working class—about 40 percent of the population—as people holding guar manual or blue-collar jobs. Certain members of this class, such as electricians, may have other incomes than people in the lower middle classes. Yet, even if they have achieved some degree of economic security, they tend to identify with annual workers and their long history of involvement in the American labor movement (see also.Wright, 1980a: 185-186, 1980b). Class is seen by sociologists as a key determinant of people's attitudes and behavior. Typical is e work of Martin Weinberg and Colin Williams 980), who examined the relationship between social class and sexual behavior during the period 38 to 1970. They found that working-class young people were likely to engage in sexual in-course before the age of 17, whereas middles young people typically waited until 19 and came intimate with fewer partners before marriage. Theorists suggest that the less successful, satisfying nature of life in the lower classes courage’s people to seek emotional fulfillment rough sexual relationships. At the same time, e values of middle- and upper-class families discourage early sexual behavior. Yet another example of class's influencing be­havior is seen in the research on social participa­tion. Sociological studies consistently find that the number of memberships in voluntary associations increases as a person ascends the occupational hierarchy. Members of upper-class households belong to five times as many organizations as members of lower-class families. Moreover, when an organization includes persons from mixed class backgrounds, those from higher social classes are more likely to serve as leaders (Gilbert and Kahl, 1987:142-143).

Social class is one of the independent or ex­planatory variables most frequently used by social scientists. The chapters to follow will analyze the relationships between social class and divorce pat­terns, religious behavior, formal schooling, and residence and housing, as well as other rela­tionships in which social class is a variable.




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