And Ro osevelt' s Corollary

Monroe's Doctrine

The Manifest Destiny, Monroe's Doctrine, Olney (or Roosevelt) Collorary.

In the early nineteent h century most of Central

and South America, or Latin America, was ruled

by Spain. In the 1820s these Spanish colon ies

rebelled.

Th e Spanish government asked the great powt'rs

o f Europe to help it to defeat the rebels. When

Amer icans heard this they were alarmed. T hey did

not wa nt the armies and navies of powerful

Eur opean natio ns m their part of the world, The

rebel Spanish colonies were the United States'

nearest neighbors. Americans felt that it was

important to their country's safety to make sure

that no foreign enemies gamed influen ce in them.

In lH23 Preside nt Monroe warned European

nations nor to interfere in Latin American affairs.

"The American continents arc henceforth not to

be cons ide red as subjects for future colon ization

by European powers," Monroe told Congress.

" We should cons ide r any attempt on their part to

extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere

[half o f the worldj as dangerous to our

peace and safety."

Monroe 's statement came to be caned the "Monroe

Doctrine," It became one of the mos t important

ideas in American fo reign policy.

The original Monroe Doctrine [Old Europeans not

to interfere in Latin America. In 1904 President

Theodore Roosevelt made an addition, or "co rollary"

to it. He said that the Uni ted Stat es would

intervene th ere whenever it thought necessary.

Roosevelt believed tha t by do ing th is the United

States woul d be able [0 ensure the internal stability

of its Latin American neighbors and so remove

any excuse for Europ eans to inte rfere in their

affairs.

In the next twent y years American go vernments

often acted upon Roosevelt's Corollary. American

soldiers landed in countries like Nica ragua, Haiti

and the Dominican Republic, and took o ver their

governments for years at a time. Often the

Americans made big impro vemcnts -. payin g off

debts. d rainin g s",.·amps, building road s, Bur this

did not stop Latin Americans from resent ing their

interferen ce.

Manifest Destiny was the 19th century American belief that the United States was destined to expand across the North American continent, from the Atlantic Seaboard to the Pacific Ocean. It was used by Democrats in the 1840s to justify the war with Mexico; the concept was denounced by Whigs, and fell into disuse after the mid-19th century.

Advocates of Manifest Destiny believed that expansion was not only wise but that it was readily apparent (manifest) and inexorable (destiny).

The concept of American expansion is much older, but John L. O'Sullivan coined the exact term "Manifest Destiny" in the July/August 1845 issue of the United States Magazine and Democratic Review in an article titled "Annexation." It was primarily used by Democrats to support the expansion plans of the Polk Administration, but the idea of expansion faced opposition from Whigs like Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Abraham Lincoln who wanted to deepen the economy rather than broaden its expanse. John C. Calhoun was a notable Democrat who generally opposed his party on the issue, which fell out of favor by 1860.

The belief in an American mission to promote and defend democracy throughout the world, as expounded by Abraham Lincoln and Woodrow Wilson, continues to have an influence on American political ideology.

17. Economic development: "captains of industry", industrialization. "The Square Deal" of Theodore Roosevelt and "The New Freedom" of W. Wilson. The US - a world leader.

A phrase that is sometimes used to describe businesspeople who are especially successful and powerful.

"Captain of industry" was a term originally used in the United Kingdom during the Industrial Revolution describing a business leader whose means of amassing a personal fortune contributes positively to the country in some way. This may have been through increased productivity, expansion of markets, providing more jobs, or acts of philanthropy. This contrasts with robber baron, a term used to describe a business leader using political means to achieve their ends.

Some nineteenth-century industrialists who were called "captains of industry" overlap with those called "robber barons." These include people such as J.P. Morgan, Andrew Carnegie, Andrew W. Mellon, and John D. Rockefeller. The term was coined by Thomas Carlyle in his 1843 book, Past and Present.

The title is regaining popularity in India, whose billionaires have more wealth than any other country in A business magnate, sometimes referred to as a capitalist, czar, mogul, tycoon, baron, oligarch, or industrialist, is an informal term used to refer to a person who has reached a prominent place in a particular industry (or set of industries) and whose wealth has been derived primarily therefrom.

Business oligarch is a near-synonym of the term "business magnate", borrowed by the English speaking and western media from Russian parlance to describe the huge, fast-acquired wealth of some businessmen of the former Soviet republics (mostly Russia and Ukraine) during the privatization in Russia and other post-Soviet states in 1990s. The history of the business oligarchs in post Soviet Union states is discussed in the following articles relating to specific regions of the former Soviet Union:

Robber baron is a pejorative term used for a powerful 19th century United States businessman and banker. The term may now relate to any businessman or banker who used questionable business practices to become powerful or wealthy.

The term derives from the medieval German lords who illegally charged exorbitant tolls on ships traversing the Rhine (see robber baron). There is dispute over the term's origin and use.^[1] It was popularized by U.S. political and economic commentator Matthew Josephson during the Great Depression in a book in 1934. He attributed it to an 1880 anti-monopoly pamphlet that applied the term to railroad magnates. The theme was popular during the Great Depression amid public scorn for big business.

After the Depression, business historians, led by Allan Nevins, began advocating the "Industrial Statesman" thesis. Nevins, in John D. Rockefeller: The Heroic Age of American Enterprise (2 vols., 1940), took on Josephson. He argued that while Rockefeller may have engaged in some unethical and illegal business practices, this should not overshadow his bringing order to industrial chaos of the day. Gilded Age capitalists, according to Nevins, sought to impose order and stability on competitive business. Their work made the United States the foremost economy by the 20th century.

The debate was seen as useless by Alfred Chandler in The Visible Hand (1977). Chandler contended that industrializing America was a historical process and not a play of good versus evil. As he later expressed, "What could be less likely to produce useful generalizations than a debate over vaguely defined moral issues based on unexamined ideological assumptions and presuppositions?"

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