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Networks




Theoretical Paradigms

In attempting to develop theories about human society, sociologists face a wide range of choices. What issues should they choose to study? What facts should they link together to form theories? Question such as this is not answered in a haphazard fashion; rather, theory building is guided by a general framework that sociologists call a theoretical paradigm. Following the ideas of George Ritzer (1983) a theoretical paradigm is a fundamental image of society that suggests what questions should be asked and how answers produced by research should be interpreted.

Although all sociologists make use of one general perspective, they do not all base their work on the same image of society. Some sociologists emphasize the fact that societies often remain remarkably stable over time; others focus on social change. Similarly, while some direct attention to ways in which people are united through their common membership in a single society, others emphasize how society divides people according to sex, race, or social class. Moreover, while some sociologists define their goal as explaining the operation of society as it exists, others attempt to encourage what they consider to be desirable social change. Finally, while some sociologists attempt to address the operation of society as a whole, others find the most interesting questions in the patterns of individual interaction within specific situations. In short all sociologists do not agree about what the most interesting or useful questions are. Even when they do agree on the questions, they often disagree on the answers. This does not mean, however, that sociological theory is utter chaos, because sociologists tend to organize their work by using one or more of three major theoretical paradigms.

 

The term social network designates social ties that link people without the intensity of social interaction and common identity of a social group. A social network resembles a social group in that it joins people in social relationships; it differs from a social group because it is not the basis for consistent social interaction and generates little sense of common identity or belonging. Social networks also have no clear boundaries, but expand outward from the individual like a vast web.

Social ties within some networks may be relatively primary, as among people who attended college together and have since maintained their friendships by mail and telephone. More commonly, network ties are extremely secondary relationships that involve little personal knowledge. A social network may also contain people we know of or who know of us — but with whom we interact infrequently, if at all. As one woman with a reputation as a community organizer explains, «I get calls at home, someone says, 'Are you Roseann Navarro? Somebody told to call you. I have this problem...». For this reason, Mark Granovetter has described social networks as clusters of weak ties.

Even though social ties within networks may not be strong, these relationships represent a valuable resource that can be used to personal advantage. Perhaps the most common example of the power of networks involves finding a job. Albert Einstein, for example, sought employment for a year after completing his schooling, and only succeeded when the father of one of his classmates put him in touch with the director of an office who was able to provide a job. Thus, even in the case of

a person with extraordinary ability, who you know may still be just as important as what you know.

Nan Lin and her associates produced evidence of the extent of such network — based opportunities. Conducting a survey of 399 men in an urban area of the United States, Lin found that almost 60 percent had used social networks in finding a job; this approach was much more common that any other. But although social networks may be widespread, Lin found that they do not provide equal advantages to everyone. In her study networks afforded the greatest advantages to men whose fathers held important occupational positions. This reflects the fact that networks tend to contain people with similar social characteristics and social rank, thereby helping to perpetuate patterns of social inequality.

 

 




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